This is what I did for the White House from November–February—create Ethics.gov. I’ll have to write a lot more about that whole adventure, now that the site is public. In short, though, A++++ WOULD WORK THERE AGAIN. →
- Double-Tongued Dictionary: hoghouse
"Connotating legislation that has been stripped of its original provisions and amended to accomplish a different purpose." This is a useful word.
- Office of Government Ethics: Executive Agency Ethics Pledge Waivers
These are the presidential appointees who were given waivers to exempt them from one or more ethics regulations, along with copies of the relevant documents that explain the circumstances warranting their exemption from ethics standards.
- Bulk Homeopathy
Save money by buying in bulk. They ought to dehydrate it, to save on shipping. Just add water!
- ThinkProgress: The Conservative Recovery Teeters Into Recession
17,000 new jobs were created by the private sector last month. 17,000 jobs were eliminated by the public sector last month. Bummed by last month's flatlining of job growth? Thank a congressman.
- New York Times: Rep. Shelley Berkley’s Cause Is Often Her Husband’s Gain
She's a strong supporter of (admittedly much-needed) better funding of kidney-care facilities. He's making a fortune on it as a nephrologist. If you ask her, it's just the darnedest coincidence. If you ask an ethicist, it's just plain wrong.
- List of Virginia Caves
The most extensive cave system in Virginia is Butler-Sinking Creek, in Bath County, at seventeen miles of total passages. The deepest is 786 feet—that's measured from the highest point to the lowest point—at Burns Cave, in Highland County. That's more than half again as deep as Virginia's tallest building is tall, the 38-story Westin Virginia Beach Town Center
I’ve been researching a blog entry for a few weeks, but I see that Anita Kumar went and did me one better, turning out an article on the topic in today’s Washington Post. What’s up with candidates for governor “working” for law firms? Both Bob McDonnell and Creigh Deeds work for law firms, although it’s tough to see how they can actually bill many hours while running for governor. Creigh began working for the Framme Law Firm in June of 2007 after conservative critics pushed him out of working for his prior firm because they employ lobbyists, which is a no-no for legislators under state bar standards. Bob McDonnell did something a bit different—he took a job with Huff, Poole & Mahoney, the firm that he worked at until 2005, and started up with them again as soon as he resigned as AG in January. That is, he took a job that he has no intention of doing and that his employer has no expectation that he will do. Kumar explains:
The firm lists McDonnell as one of its 23 lawyers, but the voice mail at his law firm office redirects callers to his campaign headquarters.
McDonnell, whose home and campaign office are in Richmond, said he has been to the firm once since he rejoined and he expects to attend meetings once or twice a month. “They understand I’m going to be campaigning full time,” he said.
And of Deeds, Kumar writes:
[Firm founder Larry] Framme said Deeds is a salaried employee and is paid for the value he brings to the firm. He said that Deeds handles as many cases as time permits but that he understands his main focus is campaigning.
“You have a lawyer running for governor,” Framme said. “You support him because it’s the right thing to do.”
So while Deeds was given a job with the intent that he’d work there, though surely in a significantly limited capacity come 2009, McDonnell was given a job with the apparent understanding that he wouldn’t be working at all.
This is just the way of the attorney general. Back in 2005, Jerry Kilgore quit to run for governor and took a job with Williams Mullen. In 2001, Mark Earley went to Troutman Saunders. In 1997, Jim Gilmore went to LeClair Ryan. We have to go back to Mary Sue Terry in 1993 to find an AG who didn’t step down to join a law firm and run for governor. This is a long-standing practice, one that a lot of political insiders see as totally reasonable, if only by virtue of being how it’s done. But that doesn’t make it right.
Of course, candidates need to feed their families like everybody else, and Kumar writes about that briefly:
McDonnell and Deeds are now employed at medium-size firms that do no lobbying, and both said they are trying to balance the need to support their families with running for governor full time. If candidates can’t bring home a paycheck while campaigning, they said, the only people who would run for office would be those who do not understand the financial struggles of their constituents.
“You’d only get independently wealthy people running for governor,” McDonnell said. “That would probably not be a good system.”
I don’t want to split hairs here, but I see a difference between a supportive employer saying “go for it, run for governor, though obviously you’ll be working less” and a company who hires somebody to do nothing in hopes that he’ll be elected governor. Neither thrills me, but there’s at least a difference in intent.
Given that Virginia campaign finance laws permits unlimited contributions to candidates, we can see that this isn’t a method of funneling money to a candidate beyond some permissible limit. But it is pretty clearly the provision of a gift to a candidate, and it ought to be disclosed accordingly. I’ll buy that it might not be necessary if the candidate already worked for that employer, but if neither party is even pretending that the candidate works for the employer, I suspect most people can agree that’s simply a gift, and should be treated as such under Virginia campaign finance law.
The spirit of Virginia’s campaign finance law is anything goes, but disclose everything. This sort of arrangement is very much in violation of that spirit.